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23 Poverty, Alienation, and the Link to Militancy . 28 Egypt's Democratization in the Regional Context .
Ilya Harik explains Egypt's "uncivic culture" as one directly deriving from a flawed development process. policymakers, but they might be able to encourage its nurturing, again through more plentiful and better information about the concerns of Egyptians which can at least be deduced from media in English from Egypt itself. Universities, research institutes, and NGOs should have a voice in policymaking, instead of merely reacting to documents issued about their country109 from Washington-based entities.
The challenges facing the health care system are similarly complex. The case of Saad Eddin Ibrahim, the arrest and sentencing of Ayman Nour, the past and recent arrests of Muslim Brotherhood candidates, and the electoral violence and irregularities of the last several elections have no place in a free and democratic Egypt. A more difficult arena in need of reform is the uncivic culture that is a natural consequence of a troubled, if not failing state. Treating Egyptian Muslims as if they are the source of the war on terror instead of an ally in that war is counterproductive. Egyptians should not let themselves be shut out of the discussions on counterterrorism nor the future of the Middle East. policymakers should forge links with appropriate bodies in Egypt outside of the U. Embassy, where the lengthy history of Islamic extremism has sparked debate and ideas that are seldom heard within the U.
Students who attend vocational schooling have far fewer options than others. policymakers would be best advised to make recommendations in tandem with other European donors and WHO (the World Health Organization). Citizens must also be free to cast their ballots without interferrence. policymakers, officials, and informed Americans should be sensible and sensitive in the approach that they take to the "war of ideas" or communications regarding Islam, Muslims, and the appropriate way to dampen extremism. Such an engagement would require efforts on the Egyptian side as well.
Most policymakers need to educate themselves about development in the Middle East to understand the challenge of planning and development, as well as other aspects of economic transformation and privatization, to comprehend the possible impact of current policies. Those with funds for private lessons may complete their schooling but must compete against students with a foreign language education for jobs in the enlarging private sector. The practices108 of torture, extralegal physical abuse, and irregular detentions must cease. Bernard Lewis, What Went Wrong: The Clash Between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East, New York: Oxford University Press, 2002; Fereydoun Hoveyda, The Broken Crescent: The " Threat" of Militant Islamic Fundamentalism, Westport, CT: Praeger, 1998. William Zartman, ed., Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1995, p.
With a large population and low supply of water per person, is it best to build in the hottest area (over 43 degrees Centigrade/122 degrees Farenheit in the summer) of the country? The overcrowding, invisible tuition in the form of private lessons, deficits in the curriculum, and promotion of vocational education mean that the poorest students fail to matriculate. policymakers should insist that the Egyptian government ensure the political and human rights of citizens, including the political opposition and those arrested under the emergency laws. military relationship and programs with the Egyptian military are extremely important to both sides. The future of these forces is also inextricably tied to the political future of the state.110 ENDNOTES1. William Zartman, " Introduction, Posing the Problem of State Collapse," I.
Will it really relieve overcrowding, and will the incentives the government plans to offer provide a better life? policymakers should encourage the Egyptian government to begin much more thorough reforms in other areas of the government (public education and health care) and in the creation of civic institutions that can make beneficial changes and promote cooperative decisionmaking. Central Command, the Egyptian forces, and eight to ten other nations, was not held in 2003 due to U. Further, the large size of the Egyptian security forces should serve as a wake-up call. Almond and James Coleman, The Politics of the Developing Areas, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960.
Detractors call Toshka, at a cost of billion dollars, Mubarak's Pyramid. Do D officials should have sufficiant data about Egypt and be able to think creatively about the prospects of future conflicts in the region, including that outlined in 6 (d) above, so they neither over- nor underestimate the role of the Egyptian military. Hafez and Quintan Wiktorowicz, " Violence as Contention in the Egyptian Islamic Movement," in Quintan Wiktorowicz, ed., Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004; Raymond William Baker, Islam Without Fear: Egypt and the New Islamists, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003, pp.
To do so would be hypocritical, given the importance of Jewish religious parties inside Israel. Given all of these possibilities, we should develop more realistic stances and plans toward each, recognizing that state failure is not a onefits-all condition. The dream of using the desert to alleviate population pressures in the Nile Valley was promoted by Egypt's government from Sadat City and the 10th of October City to Mubarak's South Valley Development Project, known as the Toshka project, in the barren Western107 desert near Lake Nasser. However, in 20 some American policymakers cast doubt on the amount and efficacy of U. This could be the only way for the United States to push for reform, but the effort is offset by the new billion militery assistance agreement. James Toth, " Islamism in Southern Egypt: A Case Study of a Radical Religious Movement, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.
The policymaker should proceed with the caution that it would be106 unwise to exclude Islamist parties--Hamas and the Muslum Brotherhood--in this process. By the year 2011, one might see (a) a peaceful political transition; (b) a military coup that will decide the form of political transition and the future leader of the country; (c) a period of violence resulting from contested political transition that could include the emergence of a more violent Islamist extremism; or (d) a situation in which the peace accords with Israel fail, perhaps due to action by Israel itself. Privatization and "opening" the economy had certain benefits and also brought social costs. In 2007, Congress voted to withhold million in military aid until certain political and judicial reforms are made, and weapons flows to Gaza cease.
EGYPT: SECURITY, POLITICAL, AND ISLAMIST CHALLENGESSherifa Zuhur September 2007Visit our website for other free publication downloads Government as defined in Title 17, United States Code, Section 101.
Strategic Studies mil/To rate this publication click here. As such, it is in the public domain, and under the provisions of Title 17, United States Code, Section 105, it may not be copyrighted. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. Wilson III, Ahmad Zalat, Samia Mehrez, Tonia Rifney, Kamal El-Melbawy, Colonel Cindy Jebb, Dr. Larry Goodson, and cooperation from Colonel Teddy Seel and Colonel Kenneth Shive.
***** The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U. ***** The author acknowledges with gratitute the insights of other Egyptian colleagues and friends as well as those of Dr. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave, Carlisle, PA 17013-5244.